2016年5月7日新SAT阅读考试真题原文分析第四篇

2022-05-19 23:26:31

  2016年5月7日新

  第四篇文章是关于葫芦藤的花粉传播问题,既会吸引蜜蜂,这对它来说是好的,又会吸引甲壳虫,这对它来说是有害的。这种葫芦会释放一种特定的香气,这种香气会吸引对它好的花粉传播者,然后科学家们就做实验,想要发现是否把这种特定的气味加强,会更好,然后做了一个对比试验,一部分是正常香气的,一部分是加强香气的,这里有个题目出的是,他们采用什么样的方法进行研究,答案选的是direct observation,然后加强香气的收到甲壳虫的破环后,让蜜蜂在这些香气强的受甲壳虫破坏的和正常香气的植物之间选择。最后试验结果发现,香气更强并不会对于吸引蜜蜂有帮助,所以实际上,这种植物并不会为了吸引蜜蜂而释放更对的香气。

  第一篇:Address Before the Young Men's Lyceum of Springfield, Illinois

  林肯认为对国家法律的尊重和遵守就要如同宗教一般虔诚,不然就践踏国家价值不敬祖先贻害后代。

  林肯的呼吁(urge=advocate)很诚恳,不希望大家误解他是在维护恶法(anticipate a possible misunderstanding and correct it)。确属恶法的,应尽快通过正当民主程序纠正,但纠正前必须遵守。

law)都是不正当的;对于废奴法,无论正确错误都应通过正常程序处理。

  第二篇:Civil Disobedienceby Henry David Thoreau

  梭罗认为类似林肯的观点很荒唐,如果多数人是错误的,?如果政府的恶无大碍还能忍,如果自己不得不做帮凶,那还不如打破恶法。通过正常程序,黄花菜都凉了,人活着不能在这些事(petition to redress bad law)上浪费生命。关于废奴者,梭罗认为他们应当跟麻省政府划清界限,没必要为自己的信仰四处奔走,只要相信宇宙真理在自己一边(have God on their side)就够了。

  Passage 1

  节选自:林肯著名演讲《 The Perpetuation ofOur Political Institutions: Address Before the Young Men's Lyceum ofSpringfield, Illinois January 27, 1838》

  I know the American People are muchattached to their Government;--I know they would suffer much for its sake;--Iknow they would endure evils long and patiently, before they would ever thinkof exchanging it for another. Yet, not withstanding all this, if the laws be continuallydespised and disregarded,if their rights to be secure in their persons and property,are held by no better tenure than the caprice of a mob, the alienation of theiraffections from the Government is the natural consequence; and to that, sooneror later, it must come.

  Here then, is one point at which dangermaybe expected.

  Passage 2

  节选自:《Civil Disobedience》 --- Henry David Thoreau

  How can a man be sat­is­fied to en­tertainan opin­ion merely, and en­joy it? Is there any en­joy­ment in it, if his opin­ionis that he is ag­grieved? If you are cheated out of a sin­gle dol­lar by yourneigh­bor, you do not rest sat­is­fied with know­ing that you are cheated, orwith say­ing that you are cheated, or even with pe­ti­tion­ing him to pay youyour due; but you take ef­fec­tual steps at once to ob­tain the full amount,and see that you are never cheated again. Ac­tion from prin­ci­ple,—the per­cep­tion andthe per­for­mance of right,—changes things and re­la­tions;itis es­sen­tially rev­o­lu­tion­ary, and does not con­sist wholly with anythingwhich was. It not only di­vides states and churches, it di­vides fam­i­lies; aye,it di­vides the in­di­vid­ual, sep­a­rat­ing the di­a­bol­i­calin him from thedi­vine.

  Un­just laws ex­ist: shall we be con­tenttoo bey them, or shall ween­deavor to amend them, and obey them un­til we have suc­ceeded,or shall wetrans ­gress them at once? Men gen­er­ally, un­der such a gov­ern­mentas this, think that they ought to wait until they have per­suaded the ma­jor­ityto alter them. They think that, if they should re­sist, therem­edy would beworse than the evil. But it is the fault of the gov­ern­mentit­self that therem­edy is worse than the evil. It makes it worse. Why is itnotmore apt to an­tic­i­pateand pro­vide for re­form? Why does it not cher­ishits wise mi­nor­ity? Why doesit cry and re­sist be­fore it is hurt? Why does it not en­cour­age its cit­i­zensto be on the alert to point out its faults, and do bet­ter than it would havethem? Why does it always cru­cify Christ and excommunicate Co­per­ni­cus and Lu­ther,and pro­nounce Wash­ing­ton and Frank­lin rebels?

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